In the recent elections in Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh and Delhi, the Congress could perform well in the Himalayan state alone. At the time of these elections, former Congress president Rahul Gandhi was leading the Bharat Jodo Yatra across numerous states. The success of the Congress in Himachal demonstrates the importance of a strong grassroots organisation in the state, something the party has lacked in most states for a long time. Congress can win elections without the Gandhis or sycophants surrounding them, a fact that the party will likely refuse to acknowledge. The Congress’ excessive dependence on the Gandhi family is becoming counterproductive.
This time, the Gujarat election was the most important, but the Congress party put its entire energies on the Bharat Jodo Yatra. Rahul Gandhi held just a few rallies, and Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge was present for a short time. In the Gujarat Assembly elections in 2012, Congress received approximately 38 percent of the votes, followed by 41 percent in 2017 — in 2022, it received 27 percent votes. In the 2012 Assembly elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) received 47 percent votes, followed by 49 percent in 2017 and 52 percent in 2022. Significantly, in the Gujarat elections of 2022, Congress did not lose votes to the BJP, but rather to the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). This demonstrates that Congress’ poor strategy has the greatest impact on the party in the states.
Jignesh Mevani, a young Dalit Congress leader from Gujarat, stated in an interview with The Indian Express, “Congress did not use me enough; I do not know why.” This demonstrates what is wrong with the Congress party’s strategy. The party, under the leadership of the Gandhi family, has been eroding state-by-state local leadership. This has led to the party’s current deplorable condition. Hardik Patel, the leader of the Young Patidars, and Alpesh Thakor, the leader of the Other Backward Classes, who joined the Congress party before the 2017 elections and helped it reach the top electoral position in the state, were neglected by the Congress. Both leaders eventually left the Congress and joined the BJP.
The question now arises as to what the Congress was awaiting. The answer is quite simple: the party expected Rahul Gandhi to perform a miracle. Along with the problems of over-reliance on Gandhi, it is also a disgrace that the grand old party is filled with sycophants and no real critics. Mallikarjun Kharge, who is not from the Gandhi family and is now the president of the party, had the opportunity to streamline Gujarat’s campaigning. However, he did not do so.
Politically, the Congress party and Rahul Gandhi can attempt to project a different ideology against the BJP, while also projecting Narendra Modi as their primary adversary. But Indian political history tells a different tale. Congress’s boots were not removed by the BJP, but rather by other regional parties or factions of Congress. In West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), which is a faction of Congress, stole the entire Congress vote. Similarly, NCP, YSRCP, BJD, SP, and now AAP are the political parties that have stolen Congress party voters. In Gujarat, for instance, around 39 percent of votes were cast against the BJP, which is only 2 percent less than last year. However, these votes were split between the Congress with 27 percent and the Aam Aadmi Party with 12 percent. It is the Congress party’s inability to maintain control over these voter segments.
Similar conditions were observed in Delhi. The Congress party, led by Sheila Dikshit as chief minister, ruled Delhi for fifteen years. But since Dikshit’s defeat and the formation of the Aam Aadmi Party, the Congress has been declining. Sheila Dikshit was sidelined because the party could not control its infighting, but when it realised that it had no chance of winning the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, it brought the ailing Dikshit back to lead the party.
Even the most ardent Congress karyakarta will be unable to identify the Delhi Congress president’s name. It is not intended to belittle the work of the individual in question, but rather to highlight the state of the party. This time, the Congress received only about nine seats in Delhi MCD. The top leadership of the BJP, including the central cabinet ministers, chief leader, and other organisational leaders, were appointed to campaign in Delhi. However, Congress was simply non-existent.
Numerous factors contributed to the victory of the Congress in Himachal, but one of the most significant was strong local leadership. To organise their campaign, the local leadership did not rely on the high command or the Gandhi family. On the basis of the Himachal electorate’s tendency to elect alternative parties to power, the state’s most pressing issues were prioritised by the local leadership. The state leadership and grassroots organisations detected the discontent among Himachal voters regarding the new pension scheme, Agneepath, the rising price of apples, and other issues. The local leadership also recognised the internecine conflict within the BJP and shrewdly capitalised on it. Priyanka Gandhi participated in a few rallies, but the agenda was determined by the local leadership via elites, goodwill, grassroots campaigning, and so on.
In addition to fighting against the machinery of the BJP, the Congress also opposes its strong ideology. Although the Bharat Jodo Yatra and a counter-narrative are required, the party must prioritise its local leadership. From Punjab to Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh, as well as Himachal Pradesh, the Congress has permitted infighting to increase. Local Congress organisations have been destroyed by the arrogance of the high command, the Gandhis’ disconnect from the ground, and a lack of political strategy. Recent elections in Delhi, Gujarat, and Himachal Pradesh demonstrate that there is no viable alternative to grassroots organisation. And the Congress requires its own organisation, credible grassroots leaders, a local agenda, and a state-centric strategy, rather than making the Gandhi family its heroes.
The author is a Columnist and Doctoral Research Scholar in Media & Politics. He tweets @sayantan_gh. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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