As is their wont, after an early breakfast, the pracharaks filed in into the mammoth marquee under the watchful gaze of a life-size portrait of Dr Ambedkar. Even the portal to the main pavilion emblazon the effort and thought at an image-makeover: Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar Mandap, it said.
While it celebrated the birth centenary of its third sarsanghchalak -- Balasaheb Deoras -- the emphasis on the Dalit icon at the RSS general body meeting at Nagaur in Rajasthan earlier in 2016 was evident.
The shift from Balasaheb to Babasaheb for the RSS seemed both an ineluctable necessity and a tactical manoeuvre.
It all started in the run-up to the Bihar assembly polls in 2015. All was well, till then. BJP had won a resounding victory in 2014 general elections, and had followed it up with a reasonably satisfactory performance in all state elections. Delhi, though, was the only exception.
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s observations to the Sangh mouthpiece 'Organiser' on the ever-raging reservation debate in the country was the turning point which, some even within the BJP feel, took the game away from the party in Bihar.
'Organiser' editor Prafulla Ketkar, who conducted the interview, rubbishes conspiracy theories behind the timing of its publication and instead blames the mainstream media for having distorted Bhagwat’s point of view.
That notwithstanding, the damage was done.
For the BJP, it is easier to tide over a random remark by a junior minister like General VK Singh, but there is no escape when the sarganghchalak speaketh.
The Bihar debacle was soon followed by the events in Hyderabad Central University triggered by the suicide of research scholar Rohith Vemula. The inept handling of the situation by the government, if anything, exacerbated the matter.
The Congress was quick to latch on to this opportunity. The Indian Left rushed in to bridge the perennial ideological paradox between class and caste to label both the RSS and the BJP as anti-dalit. The saffron brigade was fast losing the perception war.
RSS can contest the intolerance debate with its idea of nationalism. The problem comes when it has to wade through the caste quagmire within the larger Hindu monolith it expounds.
So, when the RSS general body met under that marquee in Nagaur in Rajasthan in March, its top brass was a worried lot. In that meeting, also attended by BJP President Amit Shah, a long-term plan at image makeover was drawn. The vehicle of course would be Ambedkar’s 125th birth anniversary celebrations.
Since then, RSS has been organising functions at the grassroots to reach out to the socially marginalised sections, especially Dalits and tribals. Both BJP and government have worked overtime to appropriate Ambedkar’s legacy. Organiser has brought out a special edition on Ambedkar. Amit Shah has appointed a Dalit as Punjab state president.
In poll-bound Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka, the reins of the party have been handed over to Keshav Prasad Maurya and BS Yeddyurappa - both OBC leaders. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spelled out in unequivocal terms that his government is committed to the policy of reservation in government jobs and education. Professor Narendra Jadhav has been nominated to the Rajya Sabha. One can simply go on and on.
Come next week, BJP president Amit Shah will do his bit to add to the narrative being so skilfully crafted. He will take a holy dip into this litany of efforts by participating in a samrasta snan (dip of harmony) at the ongoing Simhasth Mahakumbh in Ujjain. Especially invited for the event are leaders from Dalit and schedule tribe communities. This will be followed by a community meal at the venue.
The top RSS leadership will also be at Kumbh over the next two days. This crescendo on the banks of river Kshipra will culminate with Prime Minister Modi's visit to Ujjain on May 14.
Almost six decades after his death, everybody wants a bit of Ambedkar in their politics.
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